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A number of factions within the Empire appear to have had sufficient motivation to have Princess Diana put out of the way, to whom she had become an irritation or a liability. One paper suggests that her potential marriage to Dodi Al-Fayed, son of a super wealthy Egyptian business man living in England, who had his own brawl with the British Crown, might have been sufficient reason to get her murdered. According to EIR News Service*(EIR Sept 12, 1997 p.48) in mid-August "the French press issued a curious 'warning' that the British royal family was prepared to move ruthlessly against Princess Diana and Dodi Al-Fayed. Le Monde published a full-page feature entitled, 'When the court of St. James flirts with the Al-Fayed Family.'" The report explored the realignment of wealth within the oligarchy versus the Windsor's and their anticipated reaction.
The threads that tie the tragedy in Algeria and Diana's tragedy into one, come together here. Just as no evidence exists as to which faction of the oligarchy arranged for Diana's assassination, if that's what it was, so, no clear evidence exists as to who caused the massacres in Algeria. It could have been perpetrated by one of the religious fundamentalist movements that are presently at war with the government. Or it might have been perpetrated by agents of the government in an effort to discredit the fundamentalists. Canada's CBC news service reported that a strange pattern has been detected in the way that police always responds to the massacres after a certain delay, of an hour or so. If this is intended to allow the horror to have its effect on the population, the intend certainly succeeded. Also, the massacres occur generally within a certain area around the capital and come progressively closer. It is quite possible, therefore, that those who massacred the 300 people in Algeria were financed with public funds. It is even possible that the whole terrible affair is integrated with Museveni's revolution of social convulsion, and that the operatives are financed with public moneys donated to Museveni by the U.K., Japan, the U.S.A., and those other nations who presently fund Museveni's revolution that is gaining its momentum primarily in central Africa, but is not limited to that region according to Museveni's own words.
Actually, it would have made little difference, in the end, if the Algerian game for creating social convulsion had been fully reported throughout the world, if there was such a thing as a world wide free press that doesn't lend itself to covering up the truth. The massacre might have been dismissed by the public like all other cases of genocide. Each would have been seen as an isolated event, tragic perhaps, but irrelevant. Few people would have recognized that what had happened is not irrelevant, but is a significant waymark in the escalating collapse of civilization that is presently going on everywhere, and has got a long root. In any case, what is going on has moved far beyond what might be described as "injustice." The whole concept of justice appears to have become totally irrelevant.
The Seed for the Mustard Seed.
It has been stated at the beginning of this book that a principle has been discovered in the late 1800s, that all aspects of a phenomenon must be considered before the whole, or in fact each part itself, can be correctly understood. Without this fuller consideration Museveni's operations of genocide might indeed be recognized as an isolated case of a mad man ceasing power. But what we have in reality is far more than that. His terrible ideology of social convulsion, is not actually his own. It unfolded out of the intellectual sphere of the Dar Es Salaam University, according to his own quote from Fanon's Theory on Violence: Its Verification in Liberated Mozambique. This intellectual background, in turn, reflects the depopulation ideology of the transworld British Empire and its fascination with terrorism, fascism, and gang-violence.
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